Oz certainly hadn't given his permission. Had Le Roux? The gov- ernment produced statements from DEA agents saying that he had. But Richman and Friedberg argued that if the government wanted to prove Le Roux did so voluntarily, the man himself would need to say it under oath. "Defendant Moran Oz moves for an order requiring the government to produce its favorite infor- mant, Paul Calder Le Roux, to testify at the motion hearing," Richman wrote.

After a few weeks of back and forth, in mid-January 2016 the judge finally handed down a decision: "IT IS HEREBY ORDERED that Defendant Moran Oz's Motion to Produce Government In- formant Paul Calder Le Roux for a Motion Hearing is GRANTED."

After years of chasing Le Roux's shadow, at first online and then around the world, here finally was my chance to see him face-to- face, at least in a courtroom. I arrived in Minneapolis on a clear, frigid morning in early March. The hearing was across the river in St. Paul, and I ran into Richman and Friedberg at a café before- hand. They showed me a copy of what appeared to be a fake local arrest record for Le Roux, on cocaine charges, concocted by the Department of Justice as a cover story for his transfer to the Min- nesota jail. It was evidence that Le Roux was nearby—and of how far federal prosecutors had gone to keep him under wraps.

There was also some bad news. "Le Roux's lawyer filed an emergency motion to seal the courtroom," Richman told me. In a letter to the court that was itself sealed, the anonymous lawyer argued that Le Roux's family would be put in jeopardy by allow- ing the media to report on the proceedings. Some of Le Roux's former employees, like Lachlan McConnell, were still at large, and could represent a danger to people close to Le Roux. Later, I got a copy of the letter, which amounted to an unusual prosecution- sanctioned list of accusations against Le Roux's associates. "For example, Chris De Meyer, a former Special Forces French Foreign Legion Sniper, is an un-indicted coconspirator in the Hunter case,"